A lot has been written about the Aam Aadmi Party’s political compromises and its populist policies alongside much writing on the dawn of a new politics. I do not seek to recount the encouraging successes of the AAP in Delhi. I also do not seek to delve into the challenges the party faces in its first brush with executive power. What I seek to point out here is a particular strand of thought that I have witnessed in the discourse on the party’s rise to prominence in a rather short period of time. If I were to summarise this strand, I would say it signifies the birth of a new phrase – nouveau power, complete with the pejorative connotations of the phrase that inspires this nomenclature – nouveau riche or ‘new money.’
The rise of the AAP into ‘new power’ is being grudged by the ruling political elites – in both the Congress and BJP, just as the rise of the small business trader and farmer into ‘new money’ is grudged by the custodians of family wealth and generations of Harvard-educated elites. Sadly, even today, the phrase nouveau riche is bandied about much more often than one would think, in upmarket restaurants and boutique cafes in Delhi, by many politically-rather-incorrect individuals. Conspicuous consumption and lack of taste are certainly not the exclusive domains of the so-called nouveau riche. ‘Old money’ can be as ostentatious and grossly unpalatable. Given that an enhanced economic standing makes higher education, knowledge resources and the luxury of choice, more accessible, it can only be expected that the individuals climbing the ladder of economic success today, will meet the societal ‘standards’ of sophistication soon enough! The condescension is deeply problematic and disconcerting.
Equally disturbing is this particular kind of opposition to the AAP – emanating even from a section of the voters. It is coming from people who have become comfortable with the idea of lineage political leadership, a sycophantic bureaucracy and the politics-wealth nexus, and in many cases, have been beneficiaries of this self-serving system. To this group, an unassuming-looking, pants and sweater-clad IIT engineer who gave up his position in the revenue services, lacks political experience and expediency; he lacks pedigree and lacks discretion – characteristics of the ones who have been born into politics or business or filmdom – the cradles of money and authority in the India of today. One cannot help but notice that many of the prominent faces of the AAP do not care about wearing khadi kurtas for public appearances! The AAP is yet to prove its mettle in governance, but the disdain and criticism that the party has been subjected to, is a reminder of the deep divide between the political class and the masses being governed. That a bunch of these common people could rise in a show of protest and manage to form a state government is bound to not go down well with those seeking to preserve the status quo.
The politics of the AAP has found resonance with a large mass of people. It may be too early to arrive at blanket conclusions about the prevalence of democratic ideals but a dent has truly been made. Movement across economic stratifications and class divisions is met by bewilderment and even opposition. Just as a society needs to be mature enough to accept and welcome such changes, a polity needs to be amenable to the rise of new political actors emerging from sections that may not have wielded political power historically. The AAP phenomenon has brought the struggle for real democracy to the centre of the practice of politics. The party’s refreshing electoral politics lent a distinct flavour to the Delhi elections. As we usher in the new year, Delhi may very well be ushering in a new way of governance.
Diary leaves. And sticky notes for grass. 