Time to tackle the climate challenge is now

Gulf News, 11.09.18

With the Global Climate Action Summit set to begin in San Francisco today, there is a renewed focus on the role that non-state actors are playing in the fight against climate change. Though the Paris Agreement is a pact among national governments, it is clear that the effort to meet the agreement’s goals must permeate across levels of jurisdiction and engage multiple actors. Regions, cities, companies and individuals all need to act if the world has to keep global average temperature increase to 1.5 Celsius, or even 2 Celsius, above pre-industrial levels.

 

 

It is not a mere coincidence that the summit is taking place in California — an American state that has taken a progressive stance on climate change despite the Trump administration’s decision to withdraw from the Paris Agreement. Following the withdrawal, the US has seen the emergence of the ‘We Are Still In’ coalition, comprising states, investors, faith groups, universities among others. The coalition today represents “more than half of all Americans” and “$9.46 trillion in GDP,” and its contributions to climate action are proof that efforts can be stepped up even when state support is falling short.

If emissions continue unabated, it is estimated that the planet will reach the climate threshold in less than two decades. Achieving carbon neutrality by 2050 is key and emissions need to start declining steeply to get there. National commitments — submitted to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change in the form of Nationally Determined Contributions, government finance and regulatory interventions are, of course, critical. Yet other actors must both complement, and participate in, government initiatives. Even national commitments can only be achieved with the engagement of local constituencies.

Innovative diversification

In the UAE, there is growing momentum to address climate change within federal and local governments, businesses and non-governmental organisations. Government initiatives have taken cognisance of the role of non-state actors. ‘Private Sector-Driven Innovative Diversification’ is among the three key priorities laid down in the UAE National Climate Change Plan. A number of companies are working to curb their electricity and water consumption. Heavy industries like cement have invested in more efficient and less polluting technologies.

In 2015, Dubai joined the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group. The Abu Dhabi Global Environmental Data Initiative has undertaken extensive climate modelling and research. Emirate-level electricity and water authorities, transport and energy regulators, are investing in sustainable technologies and services. Emirates Wildlife Society — WWF has been partnering with both government entities and companies to advance climate action, foster dialogue and build awareness. Business councils, and platforms such as the Abu Dhabi Sustainability Group and Emirates Green Building Council, are enhancing local capacity.

The UAE being a largely fossil-fuel based economy with high per capita energy consumption, prudent consumption and use of renewables need to be accelerated. There is potential to do much more. The country has embraced innovation — adoption of climate solutions provides the UAE another opportunity to build a smart future.

Travel diaries: Political realities in realtime

War zones and theatres of violent conflict are not preferred holiday destinations. For obvious reasons. And yet political and communal faultlines are so prevalent that getting stuck in a politically charged violent situation, when travelling, is not beyond the realm of reality. It is a rather sad commentary on us humans and the ways of the world we have built!

This is not to say that we live in paranoia every minute but that situations of conflict are real and about ‘you’ and ‘me.’ When caught in the midst of one, if you survive and live to tell the tale, your travelogues may get a sheen of political romance and resilience. However, far from trivialising conflict and covering it in the cloak of romance, such encounters can lead to serious introspection, empathy and a stunning revelation of the reality of political violence and death.

I can recount a number of instances where I have run into situations of violent action or potential thereof, created by political divisions – across nationalities, religions and communities.

The most recent of these was in 2014 in Turkey, where a casual stroll down Taksim Square in Istanbul ended with nibbling on lemon slices to wash off the effect of tear gas. Sitting on a café terrace, sipping coffee, my husband and I saw groups of people running through the main street being tackled by the riot police. The screams and smashing bottles took a few minutes to register with the tourists in the café. As we tried to figure what was going on, (fortunately, at some distance from the action) one woman prompted us and other guests to walk into the walled area of the café. By the time we got in, everyone was tearing up and coughing from the impact of the tear gas shells. The restaurant staff seated us inside and offered us lemon slices that we learnt help when exposed to tear gas. In half hour’s time, the area went silent and we were told it is perfectly safe to step out. As we walked down the alley onto the main Taksim street, I expected mayhem, but everything seemed absurdly normal. Such situations were common during October 2014 in Istanbul when protesters were calling on the Turkish government to intervene and safeguard the Kurds in Kobane, Syria. We safely walked back to our hotel.

Kobane has been a centrepoint of news since then but my ears have become extra-sensitive to news from the region and I have read more about Kobane and the goings-on there than I would have done had I not been caught in this situation.

Years earlier, during my college days in India, I got caught in the middle of the Assam-Bihar tensions triggered when a group of applicants from Bihar were prevented from taking a railways recruitment test in Guwahati, Assam. This local-outsider debate led to clashes between residents of the two states wherein trains travelling from Assam were attacked on tracks and stations in Bihar. My train from Jalpaiguri to Delhi, having only journeyed for about two hours, stopped in its tracks (literally!) for a good eight hours before entering Bihar, anticipating violence. Incidentally, I was travelling back from Darjeeling where I had just attended a writers’ workshop on migration. And here I was after having discussed prejudices, law and migrant rights for two days: the irony of the situation couldn’t be missed! Flashes of discussions came back to me as I diverted my mind reading P G Wodehouse – important to keep my sanity amidst train announcements to keep bogie doors bolted.

Then again in 2008 as I readied for my first trip to Pakistan, the Mumbai attacks happened two days before my travel date. Some people around me thought I was stupid to travel to Pakistan at a time when the relations between India and Pakistan had hit a new low. The days of travel that followed gave me the most wonderful memories of Islamabad and its people – of hospitality, warmth and lots of political discussions! I can also recollect a number of times where I have been caught on Indian highways amidst loud, religious processions of the sword-brandishing type that look menacing to say the least. Though it is expected that a Hindu would feel safe in the middle of 100 Hindus sloganeering, and a Sikh possibly in the middle of Sikhs, this is not true. A mob is a mob and a sword is a sword and when hell breaks loose, well, no one asks your religion before hurting you.

The realities of our world need to be interrogated, understood and lived. And as they say, you learn more from travelling than reading a book. As one walks on the street down one’s house or takes a sailboat as a tourist, there is much to see and love, and much to see and know. May there be less and less to see and fear. Much more to see and cherish. Much more to see and treasure. Amen.

India and UAE: Charting new growth path with BIPA

South Asia Monitor; 23.02.14

[http://southasiamonitor.org/detail.php?type=sarc&nid=7414]

 In the popular imagination, two themes dominate the India-UAE politico-economic equation: oil trade and movement of Indian migrants to the West Asian country (and related remittances). While these continue to remain important, various other issues and areas of bilateral economic activity have emerged as significant. The total trade between the two countries is in excess of $75 billion. In December 2013, the countries signed a Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement (BIPA). Being seen as a precursor to the India-GCC Free Trade Agreement, the BIPA further opens up avenues for bilateral investments and provides a framework for their protection.

As the two countries expand engagement, two areas that present high potential for bilateral cooperation are clean energy and education. While clean energy provides scope for immense trade and investment related benefits, forays in education need to be pursued not only for economic returns but for return in terms of enhanced cultural capital and public goodwill.

For India, deficient in energy resources and with large swathes of the population without access to lifeline energy, renewable energy holds the key to the provision of decentralized energy solutions. In urban spaces, roof top solar photo voltaic panels, use of solar energy for heating, and waste-to-energy projects can be installed in individual buildings and for servicing communities. The World Bank report of 2013, ‘Paving the Way for a Transformational Future: Lessons from JNNSM Phase1,’ lauded the country’s Solar Mission for upscaling the deployment of solar and bringing down the cost of solar power and calling on stakeholders to devise innovative financing solutions for further growth. The country targets achieving 20,000 MW of solar generation capacity by 2022. The UAE, though bestowed with large fossil fuel reserves, falls short of power (largely natural gas-based) and imports gas to meet its requirements. The country is also keenly aware of the need to reduce its carbon footprint – amongst the highest in the world. The government of Abu Dhabi has set a target of generating 7% of its energy from renewable sources by 2020. The emirate of Dubai targets generating 5% of its energy from solar by 2030. Though the targets seem modest, they are a significant step along the right trail.

As both the countries invest in renewable energy, India’s strong manufacturing base in solar PV modules, and solar thermal systems can be employed for the advancement of renewable energy in both the countries. Pioneered by Masdar, a Mubadala company, the UAE has made strides in clean energy research, training and capacity building, and sustainable built environment solutions. The cutting edge research being undertaken in the cradles of scientific research in India and the UAE provide fertile ground for research collaborations. Launched in April 2012, the Research Centre for Renewable Energy Mapping and Assessment (RECREMA) at Masdar Institute is in the process of developing solar and wind energy resource maps for the UAE. India’s experience of resource mapping can be of assistance to the UAE scientific community and policymakers, and at the same time India can learn from the techniques being used by the UAE. 

In education, Indian private players have already registered their presence. Dubai, having adopted a unique model of establishing a free zone for education, has attracted a number of foreign universities to set up campuses in the country. The other emirates, too, host many foreign universities’ campuses. The UAE, characterized by a young demographic profile, is committed to providing sound academic and professional training to its population. Student exchanges and research/teaching partnerships – driven by more than profit alone, between Indian and UAE universities, can go a long way in fostering both academic excellence and cultural exchange. Though setting up Indian universities’ campuses in the UAE is one way to further both economic interaction and people-to-people contact, short-duration exchanges and establishment of collaborative centres in Indian or UAE universities or colleges, too, need to be promoted. Public universities can engage in such programmes, without incurring significant costs, and the Indian diaspora in the UAE would welcome such initiatives.

A Joint Commission at the level of Foreign Ministers and an India-UAE Joint Business Council have been working towards deepening of political, business and cultural ties. With the signing of the BIPA, the UAE government has allocated $2 billion for investments in infrastructure projects in India, adding to its current investments which are to the tune of US$8 billion. Investment deals in ports and power infrastructure are on the cards. Both sides have also committed to resolving impediments around current investments opportunities. Notably, the Jet-Etihad deal is currently under the scanner of the Securities and Exchange Board of India over alleged violation of takeover rules.

The signing of the BIPA has brought a renewed energy to the India-UAE relationship. India’s large and growing market (allied with growing oil demand and business opportunities), and UAE’s emergence as a business hub, bring forth critical business interests. As important strategic and economic players in South Asia and West Asia respectively, India and the UAE can chart a collaborative future for the two ends of the Asian continent.

Green diplomacy

Khaleej Times, 21.01.14

THE ABU Dhabi Sustainability Week (ADSW) has emerged as a landmark congregation of energy and environment stakeholders. While the substantive advantages of such an exchange — spread of scientific know-how and business-generation — are significant, the ADSW is also an important element of the UAE’s green public diplomacy effort.

In the past, the country was listed amongst those with a high carbon and ecological footprints. But as the government seeks to take strides in renewable energy (RE) innovation and resource conservation, the country is also giving due attention to enhancing its global image. Public diplomacy which involves engaging and influencing international public audiences, including even local populations, is a strategic tool that can create a conducive environment for the pursuit of strategic political and socio-economic objectives. The UAE is deploying it well to raise its profile as a thought leader in environmental diplomatic quarters and as an investment destination. The country seeks to establish itself as a champion of sustainable development, despite being an economy that is dependent on fossil fuel exports for a large share of its revenue.

The ADSW is not a singular effort. Today, the UAE houses the headquarters of the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA), the first inter-governmental organisation with its secretariat in a West Asian country. This itself is a result of a concerted diplomatic effort, and has marked the UAE as a nerve centre on the map of multilateral initiatives in sustainable energy. In 2009, Germany and Austria, the other contenders in the bid to house the headquarters, withdrew their candidature and agreed to host satellite institutional centres.

The IRENA headquarters have made Abu Dhabi a hub for international dialogues on renewable energy that engage a repertoire of diplomats, technocrats, scientists and environmental thinkers and activists. At the same time, the UAE government has worked to map and develop RE resources domestically and promote RE projects abroad. The country has particularly highlighted the RE development potential offered by islands. A number of island nations are wholly dependent on fossil fuel imports for meeting their energy requirements, and renewable energy development can offer an alternative.

The UAE has sponsored small RE projects in Seychelles and Tonga. It has also established funds offering concessional loan facilities for Pacific islands and for IRENA developing countries. These programmes not only strengthen the UAE’s political and economic ties with these countries but also generate public goodwill. In today’s information environment where there is a proliferation of sources, well-designed and well-implemented public diplomacy initiatives have helped the country formulate and enhance its image as a supporter of public welfare and international sustainable development.

One important advantage of public diplomacy efforts is that these initiatives speak to political leaders and bureaucrats along with the larger community of investors, business persons, civil society activists and world citizens. In some cases, direction of messages from a government to international public audiences can cut through the hostility prevalent in counterpart bureaucracies. It can go a long way in informing and altering public opinion — the diplomatic genius that made Vladimir Putin “speak directly to” Barack Obama and the American people through a New York Times Op-ed at the height of the Syrian crisis in 2013.

On the other hand, public diplomacy efforts are often criticised for being akin to manipulative public relations exercises. This view finds its genesis in the very real possibility of states deploying such initiatives to lend credence to misinformation in the game of diplomatic one-upmanship and to garner legitimacy for unpopular foreign policy objectives.

Yet public diplomacy, including instances such as the UAE’s support to overseas RE projects and facilitation of multilateral dialogues, remains crucial to a country’s international public profile. What is being served is the cause of environmental awareness, business-to-business linkages and scientific advancement. Like individuals and corporations, states too need to invest in building perceptions through action-oriented programmes and wider communication of policies. The UAE’s green diplomacy is geared towards these objectives and has the potential to further yield scientific, developmental and economic 
dividends.

I wait to cross that border

Of all the travels that I have had the good fortune to undertake, the two trips that get the most excited of reactions are the ones I made to Islamabad, Pakistan. Point to be noted: I am Indian. The first of these was in November-December 2008, three days after the 26/11 attacks in Mumbai, and the second was in September 2012. In the community of professional researchers and academicians, especially in the domain of international relations and public policy, one comes across many Indians who were taken to Pakistan by joint projects, collaborative research papers and conferences. However, the fact remains that not many Indians have visited Pakistan, or know people who have visited the country. And very sadly, given a chance, many do not want to! To mention of my trips, I have received reactions ranging from “Wow! How was it?’ to “What? I’d never step into that country.” Personally, I think every Indian should visit Pakistan, and it will redefine for them, friendship and hospitality.

My 2008 trip was, of course, in a vitiated political atmosphere. News channels in Pakistan relayed broadcast from Indian news channels – coverage bathed in shock, distress and extreme jingoism. The hosts of the conference I was attending, the Sustainable Development Policy Institute, organised a regional conference where every organisational detail was taken care of and all participants felt safe and welcome. The city did not, at any point, make me feel vulnerable. However, common sense suggested that Indian participants do not walk about the streets of Islamabad, proclaiming their citizenship! I recall I was once asked by someone to remove my bindi before stepping out of the hotel. (Without one, I would pass off as a Pakistan national anyway!)

The bitterness in the Indo-Pak relationship did not take away from the beauty of the country and its people. I have to confess that my trips to Islamabad are made memorable by the friends I have in the city – fellow researchers I have met at seminars and conferences, and who have now become great friends. On my first trip, they made sure I made optimal use of my free time. I visited city landmarks and cafes, and rounded up the trip with a meal at a friend’s home, whose family I am still connected with. Walking on the streets of Islamabad one day, I ‘bumped into’ a friend I had met at a conference in Sri Lanka. As we hugged each other, Islamabad hugged me back too! It was real and yet so surreal and strange.

At the conference, I met new people – warm, friendly and full of new ideas. From academic exchanges and exciting get-togethers to heart-to-heart conversations, I got it all. I count this trip as a very special one in my travel diaries – the political backdrop of violence, one-upmanship and allegations, was so much in contrast with the love and warmth I felt in my interactions with the people, that my heart ached!

The 2012 trip was in an atmosphere of relative quiet. I went to Islamabad for the South Asia Economic Summit, which was host to many interesting conversations and debates. In the evenings, I met friends, shopped for books and clothes, and ate some brilliant food. The drive to Pir Sohawa and Monal, and the Saidpur Village visit, were amongst the highlights of the trip. I was due to leave on my birthday but not before the midnight cake was cut at a Pakistani friend’s home – her parents and siblings involved like it was the birthday of one of their very own.

As I write this piece, it makes me think that perhaps I have been lucky to meet some extraordinary Pakistani people and my experience cannot be generalised. To some extent, it is true. These are individuals whom I connect with deeply but whom I have met a handful of times so the times I have spent with them are truly extraordinary. And yet, I am reminded of the conversations I made with shop keepers and hotel staff, the organisers of the conference and media persons, random strangers who just smiled and said hello – the warmth was not to be missed.

At a shop, where my conversations with fellow visitors made it obvious that I was from India, a salesperson asked me with surprise, “Aap India se hain? (Are you from India?)” On hearing an answer in the affirmative, he said “Mussalmaan toh hoge? (Must be Muslim, right?),” and I said, “Nahin, Hindu (No, I am Hindu).” The surprised smile told me that this was the first time he was meeting a Hindu. All the emphasis on ‘humanisation of the other’ in peace and conflict studies came rushing to me. I felt part of a book.

This is not to say that all is well between India and Pakistan. The India-Pakistan relationship is defined by a complex history, and is caught in a juggernaut of strategic ambitions and perceptions. Many conversations on Indo-Pak politics that I have engaged in end on a note of optimism and humanism, while many others end with a resignation to the realities of realpolitik and even acceptance of grave differences in understanding of issues. After all, the state machinery in the two countries has given enough reasons to people on either side of the border to feel wronged.

And yet, I wait to cross that border… again!

India’s AAP and “nouveau power”

A lot has been written about the Aam Aadmi Party’s political compromises and its populist policies alongside much writing on the dawn of a new politics. I do not seek to recount the encouraging successes of the AAP in Delhi. I also do not seek to delve into the challenges the party faces in its first brush with executive power. What I seek to point out here is a particular strand of thought that I have witnessed in the discourse on the party’s rise to prominence in a rather short period of time. If I were to summarise this strand, I would say it signifies the birth of a new phrase – nouveau power, complete with the pejorative connotations of the phrase that inspires this nomenclature – nouveau riche or ‘new money.’

The rise of the AAP into ‘new power’ is being grudged by the ruling political elites – in both the Congress and BJP, just as the rise of the small business trader and farmer into ‘new money’ is grudged by the custodians of family wealth and generations of Harvard-educated elites. Sadly, even today, the phrase nouveau riche is bandied about much more often than one would think, in upmarket restaurants and boutique cafes in Delhi, by many politically-rather-incorrect individuals. Conspicuous consumption and lack of taste are certainly not the exclusive domains of the so-called nouveau riche. ‘Old money’ can be as ostentatious and grossly unpalatable. Given that an enhanced economic standing makes higher education, knowledge resources and the luxury of choice, more accessible, it can only be expected that the individuals climbing the ladder of economic success today, will meet the societal ‘standards’ of sophistication soon enough! The condescension is deeply problematic and disconcerting.

Equally disturbing is this particular kind of opposition to the AAP – emanating even from a section of the voters. It is coming from people who have become comfortable with the idea of lineage political leadership, a sycophantic bureaucracy and the politics-wealth nexus, and in many cases, have been beneficiaries of this self-serving system. To this group, an unassuming-looking, pants and sweater-clad IIT engineer who gave up his position in the revenue services, lacks political experience and expediency; he lacks pedigree and lacks discretion – characteristics of the ones who have been born into politics or business or filmdom – the cradles of money and authority in the India of today. One cannot help but notice that many of the prominent faces of the AAP do not care about wearing khadi kurtas for public appearances! The AAP is yet to prove its mettle in governance, but the disdain and criticism that the party has been subjected to, is a reminder of the deep divide between the political class and the masses being governed. That a bunch of these common people could rise in a show of protest and manage to form a state government is bound to not go down well with those seeking to preserve the status quo.

The politics of the AAP has found resonance with a large mass of people. It may be too early to arrive at blanket conclusions about the prevalence of democratic ideals but a dent has truly been made. Movement across economic stratifications and class divisions is met by bewilderment and even opposition. Just as a society needs to be mature enough to accept and welcome such changes, a polity needs to be amenable to the rise of new political actors emerging from sections that may not have wielded political power historically. The AAP phenomenon has brought the struggle for real democracy to the centre of the practice of politics. The party’s refreshing electoral politics lent a distinct flavour to the Delhi elections. As we usher in the new year, Delhi may very well be ushering in a new way of governance.